The January 25 revolution in Egypt and the hypocricy of Western political leaders

Posted on 11 February 2011 by Dr. Fred P.M. van der Kraaij


After the Jasmine revolution in Tunisia, Pharao country Egypt fell last night. President Hosni Mubarak resigned – most likely because the army refused to fire at the demonstrators occupying Tahrir Square for 18 days in a row. After Tunisia’s Ben Ali and Egypt’s Hosni Mubarak, who’s next? Ghadaffi of neighbouring Libya, Africa’s longest ‘serving’ president? In 1969, the then 27-year old Colonel Ghadaffi ousted King Idris 1st and became a King himself. Or will another Arab leader be the next one to fall?

What surprises me most, listening to the comments of world leaders reacting on the stepping down of President Mubarak, is their hypocricy. Yesterday they would have been proud to meet with the Egyptian leader, now they hasten to declare that he was a dictator and that the will of the Egyptian people prevails. They never raised their voices after rigged polls and elections confirming Mubarak in power. Mubarak was re-elected on four occasions: in 1987, 1993, 1999 and 2005. All US Presidents, without exception, befriended and flattered Mubarak: Ronald Reagan, Bush Sr., Bill Clinton, Bush Jr, and even Barrack Obama.

It is all about geopolitics. Egypt is pivotal in the Arab world, pivotal in the conflict with Israel . Meanwhile, the erroneous comments of CIA Director Panetta on events in Egypt underline my statement that many people who comment on events abroad are not really knowing wat is going on (see my January 18 posting).

The 25 January revolution started on Facebook when Google executive and political activist Wael Ghonim called for a demonstration against Mubarak. The power of an electronic social network was stronger than that of an aging, 82-year old President who clinged to power. Two weeks ago already his family had left Egypt and now Mohammed Hosni Mubarak follows – unless he will be arrested and has to account for his 30 years in power. A spokeman for Swiss banks today announced that the bank accounts of the Mubarak family were frozen. But why now and not earlier? It is alleged that the Mubarak family owns between 50 and 70 billion dollars, some sources even mention an amount of 90 billion dollars. If the US secret agency CIA knew this, it is implicitly co-responsible for the enrichment of the Mubarak family. The US goverment yearly transferred a billion dollars to Egypt. In case the US secret service agency wasn’t aware of the enrichment of the Mubaraks, the organisation is incompetent and president Obama has a serious problem.

This brings me to my main point. Egypt is among 18 African countries where presidential elections are scheduled this year. Governments in Europe and North America pretend they are genuinely interested in real democratic, multi-party elections in Africa. Are they really? Or do they not want to endanger the supply of vital raw materials like oil from Nigeria and Angola? Are they really more interested in peace in Sierra Leone, Liberia and Ivory Coast than in the high costs of human tragedies as a result of civil war and the connected risks of instability in the region? Are they really concerned about democracy in Kenya or Ethiopia or is their real interest the containment of islamic influence in East Africa?

And what about the US interests for the presidential elections in Liberia? Why should they bother? Is it genuine interest and sympathy for this small West African country and its three million inhabitants or just geopolitics combined with a hidden desire to get rid of the tens of thousands Liberians living in the USA?

History teaches us that it is self-interest and not altruism that dictates the agenda of Western politicians. Even if this results in hypocricy.

Posted in Arab Revolution, Liberia | Leave a comment

Turmoil in Tunisia

Posted on 17 January 2011 by Dr. Fred P.M. van der Kraaij

Freedom! Democracy! Events in Tunisia show that not only Presidents rule in Africa (see my January 4 post) but also people in the streets have a chance to decide on the future of their countries. I was touched by the recent revolution in Tunisia. This country has a special place in my heart since I first visited it nearly forty years ago, in 1972. President Habib Bourguiba at the time ruled the country. He was the country’s first president and his presidency was characterized by a pro-Western stance, the liberalization of the economy and a number of progressive reforms especially in the areas of education and women’s rights. In 1975 he became President-for-life, but in 1987 his just appointed Prime Minister deposed him. President Habib Bourguiba had just celebrated his 84th birthday but was seriously ill, suffering from Alzheimer’s disease. Why for God’s sake is it that some Presidents don’t want to give up and want to hold on power even when they are physically and mentally no longer fit??

His successor’s name was Zine El Abidine Ben Ali aka Ben Ali, Tunisia’s second President and last week ousted by people in the streets who voted with their feet. It is a shame that after being president for more than 23 years, he did not feel the responsibility to stay and account for his deeds and/or misdeeds.

Something else comes to my mind. Tunisia was until recently considered one of the politically most stable countries in Africa though in the Economist’s 2010 Democratic Index it only ranks # 144 out of 167 classified countries. I have lived in a number of ‘politically very stable’ African countries, in particular Liberia and Burkina Faso, formerly called Upper Volta. In 1980 I witnessed the second coup in Liberia’s history whereas I went through three coups d’état in Ouagadougou, the capital of nowadays Burkina Faso, in 1980-1983: Colonel Saye Zerbo (1980), Jean-Baptiste Ouedraogo (1982) and Thomas Sankara (1983). The latter seized power in a bloody coup together with his life-old friend, Blaise Compaore, who four years later betrayed him and became president of this poor, landlocked country. Blaise Compaore was re-elected in a landslide victory in November last year.

What does all this teach us? I think of three conclusions and lessons.

First, don’t be misled by the label ‘politically stable’. Unfortunately, my experience tells me that most reports on ‘politically stable countries’ come from people who hardly know these countries.
The following two conclusions particularly apply to presidents-in-power and their political advisors. ‘Don’t stay too long in power. Prepare for your successor.’, is one of them. The cases of President Houphouet-Boigny of Ivory Coast (1960-1993) and of President Mobutu Sese Seko of nowadays the Democratic Repulic of Congo (DRC), formerly known as Zaïre (1965-1998) , very well illustrate the validity of this conclusion. The other conclusion and lesson is: ‘Don’t misjudge people but be aware of the signals coming from society.’

I was in Liberia and in Upper Volta during these events and coups, and can assure you that in both countries the regime change was not a complete surprise. As early as 1947 the American author Raymond Leslie Buell had predicted the collapse of Americo-Liberian rule in Liberia in his book ‘Liberia: A Century of Survival 1847 – 1947’ whereas in August 1983 the power struggle between potential plotters was evident. A few days before the coup I was even warned by a Burkinabé colleague with good connections in the military that ‘since something is going to happen this weekend, it would be better to stay home.’ Eventually, Captain Thomas Sankara was the first to strike and staged his coup on Thursday night..

What does this say about Liberia?

I tend to say to ‘Ellen’: ‘Don’t push your luck’. She has already done a tremendous lot for Liberia and much remains to be done. It will take more than two Administrations to achieve this. I sincerily hope that Liberia will have a stable government for the next few years – and certainly ‘Ellen‘ will have a very important role to play in achieving it – but (recent) history teaches us that we have to listen to the voice of the people in the streets before it is too late!

Posted in Arab Revolution, Liberia | Leave a comment

2011 Election Year

Posted on 4 January 2011 by Dr. Fred P.M. van der Kraaij

I may provoke you but I am convinced that in all African countries Presidents rule and not Parliaments.

This year presidential elections will be held in Liberia and in 17 (!) other African countries, that means in one out of three countries. As mentioned previously (see my post dated November 5, last year, below) in about 10 countries parliamentary and local elections will be held too, but I will focus here on the presidential elections. Why? Because I don’t believe that in African countries national or local parliaments make the difference. Presidents decide in African countries, not parliaments. More about this later.

There is an excellent site of the Electoral Institute for the Sustainability of Democracy in Africa – the name sounds very politically correct – that shows the elections calender for 2011 for all African countries. The 18 countries where presidential elections will be held: 6 in West Africa, 5 in Central Africa, 3 in East Africa, 3 in Southern Africa, and one country in North Africa. About 500 million people live in the countries, half the population of the continent. See my November 5, 2010 post (below) for the names of the countries.

The presidential elections in Liberia are important and promise to be hectic considering only the number of presidential candidates, at least 10. That may not be different in other African countries where presidential elections wil be held.

For the coming months I will comment here on how the forthcoming elections in Liberia compare with presidential elections in other countries. We all know that in certain countries preparatory campaigns are not transparant, political parties and aspirant presidential candidates are influenced, state media monopolize ‘information’, and that voters are bought. Recent developments within the Alliance for Peace and Democracy, the political party of veteran politician Toga Nah Tipoteh, are extremely illustrative.

Is Liberia different? Where are similarities? Are there risques to have what happens in Ivory Coast repeated? What will happen in Africa’s most populous country, Nigeria? You will read it here. If you’re interested in Africa and Liberia, visit this blog again.

Posted in Elections in Africa, Liberia | Leave a comment

Liberia and the Ivory Coast Crisis

Posted on 8 December 2010 by Dr. Fred P.M. van der Kraaij

For more than 30 years Ivory Coast was a beacon of prosperity and peace in West Africa (1960 – 1993). The economic miracle that took place in the worlds’ number 1 producer of cocoa attracted millions of migrant workers from neighboring states, notably Mali and Burkina Faso. The country’s first President, Houphouët-Boigny, was a national hero, nearly a saint. However, he did not allow any contestant to oppose to his rule and popularity. When he died, almost exactly 17 years ago, on December 7, 1993 a power struggle emerged which initially was won by the president of the country’s parliamant, Henri Konan Bedié – who defeated the then Prime Minister Alassane Ouattara – but who already in 1995 had to face a coup attempt and who four years later was forced out of power by a military coup whose leaders asked one of Bedié’s enemies, General Robert Guéï, to lead the junta. The 2000 presidential elections, from which Alessane Ouattara was excluded because of his alleged Burkina origin, were boycotted by the major political parties. General Guéï claimed to have won the elections but street protests eventually brought Laurent Gbagbo, leader of a small and relatively insignificant political party, to the presidential palace. Two years later the civil war started, General Robert Guéï was assassinated. Since 2002 the country has been divided: the north under control of the ‘rebel forces’, the south ‘governed’ by President Gbagbo whose presidential mandate expired in 2005 but who managed to postpone presidential elections until recently, in 2010.

According to virtually all observers the recent presidential elections were won by Alassane Ouattara – who won 54% of the vote – but Laurent Gbagbo claimed he had won the elections. Subsequently both men had themselves sworn in as the country’s new president.

The 68-year old Alassane Dramane Ouattara aka ADO is a former Vice Governor of the BCEA, the Central Bank of West African States, and a former high ranking official of the International Monetary Fund in Washington DC. Prior to his appointment by President Houhouët-Boigny as Prime Minister, in 1990, ADO was Director of the Africa Department of the IMF. After Houphouët-Boigny’s death he returned to Washington as the IMF’s Deputy Managing Director.

Alessane Ouattara is supported by France, Europe, the US and UN. Also the leaders of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) back Ouattara and reject Gbagbo, and have decided to suspend Ivory Coast from the regional organization. Former South Africa President Mbeki mediates on behalf of the African Union whereas the chair of the Mano River Union, President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf, has warned former Liberian warlords against interference in the Ivorian crisis. All fear that Ivory Coast is heading to civil war. Gio speaking Ivorians from the Yacouba tribe, supporters of Gbagbo, are fleeing to Liberia. They consider this neighboring country a safer heaven than their own country where 9,000 UN peacekeepers are stationed. Despite the unfolding tragedy in Ivory Coast, it is something the Sirleaf Administration can be proud of – only a few years ago Liberia was a hell from which tens of thousands fled: to neighboring countries, to Europe, and to the USA.

What will happen in the near future is uncertain. Politicians, mediators and other stakeholders will try to find a political solution, maybe a power-sharing agreement but it is not likely to work. Experiences in Kenya and Zimbabwe are not giving us much hope. The country may slip into chaos again. Both contestants – Gbagbo, an academic historian, and Ouattara, a development economist – are going for the highest prize: the presidential palace. Only one can win. I fear that the real losers will be the population of Ivory Coast and in neighboring countries including Liberia.

 

 

 

 

Posted in Elections in Africa, Ivory Coast, Liberia | Leave a comment

Presidential elections in Nigeria and Liberia: the stakes and the contenders

Posted on 21 November 2010 by Dr. Fred P.M. van der Kraaij

The October 1 Abuja bombings and the catch of heavy weapons, artillary rockets and mortars, and ammunition in Lagos in the same month may be related to an international gang of drug traffickers or to Nigerian militants of MEND, the Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta – or they may be inspired by the forthcoming National and State elections. In any case, it seems increasingly likely that next year will be a violent one in Africa’s most populous country. The stakes are getter higher in Nigeria’s 2011 presidential elections: not only national unity and the distribution of the oil revenues amounting to tens of billions US dollars – see my November 14 post – but also regional peace and even Nigeria’s ambitions to join the world’s top twenty economies by the year 2020. The presidential elections are likely to be accompanied by political instability and north-south clashes.

Over 60 political parties have registered with the Independent National Election Commission (INEC), for the National and State elections, but for the presidential elections the ruling People’s Democratic Party (PDP) is the only one that has a nation-wide base, all other parties being based on specific regions or States. The battle for the presidential nomination divides the north and the souyh of the country. Under the unwritten regional power sharing rules of the PDP a President – from the south or the north of the country – may serve two terms. After the southerner Olusegun Obasanjo had served two terms, the northerner Yar’Adua became President but he died before the end of his first term and was succeeded by the Vice President, Jonathan Goodluck who hails from the south. The latter hopes to win the party’s nomination for next year’s presidential elections but the northerners are convined that it is their turn. Four northerns hope to win the PDP’s nomination: General Ibrahim Babangida (aka IBB), former military ruler (1985 – 1993) and one of the wealthiest men in the country; former Vice President Atiku Abubakar; Kwara State Governor Abubakar Bukola Saraki, and former National Security Advisor Lieutenant-General Aliyn Mohammed Gusau. Governor Saraki is with his 49 years the youngest of the four, IBB being the oldest (69), closely folowed by Gusau (67) and Atiku (65). It is hard to tell who will be the consensus candidate from the north but that a consensus candidate will have to be found is certain. If the northerners fail to realize this, Jonathan Goodluck is sure to win the PDP’s presidential nomination. What will happen if Jonathan Goodluck does not win his party’s nomination is a big question mark, but increased violence is very likely.

In Liberia 72-year old President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf hopes to win a second term. Her party, the Unity Party (UP), successfully merged with the Liberian Action Party (LAP) and the Liberia Unification Party (LUP) which significantly increased her chances to win the presidential elections. However, the outcome of the 2011 presidential elections will depend much on two factors. First, the verdict in the Taylor trial, expected at the end of this year or early 2011. If Charles Taylor would be acquitted by the Special Court for Sierra Leone – which cannot be totally ruled out – everything is likely to change. Secondly, the winner of the power struggle within what is sometimes called ‘the coalition of rivals’: former footbal star George Weah’s Coalition for Democratic Change (CDC) which also includes the Progressive Democratic Party (PDP) of former LURD leader Sekou Damate Conneh, the National Patriotic Party (Taylor’s party), and the Liberia National Union of Winston Tubman. George Weah ended second in the 2005 presidential elections and with his 44 years he stands for the candidate of the youth. For the past few years he has studied business administration in the USA to improve his experience and reputation.
Other presidential candidates are Charles Brumskine, a former Taylor ally, who ended third in the 2005 presidential elections, Dew Mayson, academician, businessman and politician who was ambassador to France under President Doe, Varney Sherman, now leader of the New Unity Party after winning an internal struggle from Henry Fahnbulleh, Sherman was fifth in the 2005 elections, and – last but not least – former warlord and Senator for Nimba County, Prince Johnson (see my October 13 post commenting on his candidacy).

Also in Liberia the stakes are high: peace, political stability, national reconciliation, economic recovery and the country’s international reputation. Until the elections, peace will more or less be guaranteed by the UN Mission to Liberia; UNMIL may even stay beyond October 2011 which will favorably affect the much needed political stability. However, national and foreign investors will need guarantees to expand investments: political stability, national reconciliation, economic reforms, and less corruption which nowadays is rampant. National reconciliation will have to come from within and Liberia will need leaders who are objective, competent, visionary and – above all – unpartial. The ethnic divide and the still existing cleavage between ‘Americo-Liberians’ and ‘Afro-Liberians’ will have to disappear if Liberia is to develop and prosper.

Most if not all presidential contestants – both in Liberia and Nigeria – are silent about their views and strategies to tackle the most important political, economic and social problems of the country of which they aspire to be President. The objectives of the political parties which they represent are largely unknown – if they even exist. In both countries the struggle for the presidency seems to be held between politicians who only seem to be interested in power or money – or both.

Posted in Elections in Africa, Elections in Liberia, Liberia, Nigeria | Leave a comment

Presidential elections in Nigeria and Liberia: The issues at stake

Posted on 14 November 2010 by Dr. Fred P.M. van der Kraaij

Abuja officially became the capital city of Nigeria in 1991, replacing Lagos. It is located in the centre of the country in the Federal Capital Territory. Built in the 1980s and 1990s, it is a planned city, comparable to the capital of Brazil since 1960, Brasilia, which must have inspired the Nigerians. The Federal Republic of Nigeria comprises of 36 States. Click here if you want to know more about each State and here for a map showing the 36 States. Lagos is by far the largest of the Nigerian cities and with an estimated population of some 15 million people it is the second largest city on the African continent, after Cairo. Nobody knows how many mega cities Nigeria counts, there must be at least 20. With an overall population of 150 million people (estimate) and black Africa’s second largest economy, after South Africa, Nigeria is a giant.

With a total population of 3.5 million and a modern economy still devastated, seven years after the end of the Second Civil War and the departure of warlord-president Charles Taylor, Liberia cannot compare to Nigeria. Yet, in my opinion the forthcoming presidential elections are equally important in both countries. I will clarify this statement because I do realize that there will be many people who disagree with this comparison.

In Nigeria, the 2011 presidential elections might stir unrest. After the death of President Yar’Adua, a ‘Northerner’, earlier this year, a ‘Southerner’ took over, Vice President Goodluck Jonathan. With over 250 ethnic groups Nigerian politics are characterized by an uncertain balance. Broadly speaking, we may distinguish ‘Hausaland’ in the north and ‘Yorubaland’ in the southwest, whereas in the southeast of the country live the politically important Igbos – who unsuccessfully tried to break away from the rest of Nigeria in the late 1960s (‘the Biafra war’). The political party of Yar’Adua and Jonathan Goodluck, the Peoples Democratic Party, is the only of the more than 60 registered political parties in Nigeria which does not have a specific, narrow regional base (read: ethnic base). However, the first successful presidental candidate of the PDP, Olusegun Obasanjo, a Yoruba and ‘southerner’, served two terms (1999 – 2007), after which a ‘northerner’ would serve two terms. Obasanjo was succeeded by Yar’Adua who, however, did not complete his first term. Consequently, northerners in the PDP now claim that not someone from the majority-Christian south – Goodluck Jonathan – but someone from the mainly Muslim north should be the presidential candidate of the PDP in the 2011 elections. Nigeria is not only an ethnically diverse country but also there are important religious cleavages. But the most important difference may be yet to come.

The oil wealth of the country is exploited in the south, in the Niger Delta, and the proceeds are distributed among all 36 States though a complicated system which leaves the southern states – where the wealth is generated – unsatisfied whereas the northern states are always looking for ways to increase their share. The Nigerian constitution does not allow the Federal Government to intervene in the affairs of the States. The governors of these States are nearly allmighty people.

This is exactly what is at stake in the Nigerian presidential elections of next year: national unity, the distribution of oil revenues, and the immediate future of the continent’s potential superpower. ‘Nigeria is a nice set of countries’ as someone once told me. In fact, the 36 States of the Federal Republic of Nigeria are 36 mini republics, their Governors being the unproclaimed presidents of these mini republics. Some of these States have a larger Gross Domestic Product or population than in neighbouring independent countries – like Liberia.

To be continued

Posted in Elections in Africa, Elections in Liberia, Liberia, Nigeria | Leave a comment

The 2011 presidential elections in Nigeria and Liberia

Posted on 5 November 2010 by Dr. Fred P.M. van der Kraaij

As of October 2010, it is foreseen that next year in one out of every three African countries presidential elections will be held, in 18 countries to be precise. In 9 more African countries parliamentary and/or local elections will be held too. This is a near-unprecendeted high number. Given the uneven distribution of Africa’s population over the continent it is hard to tell how many people are involved in this democratic upsurge. My estimate would be that in total this may affect the lives of about 500 million people, slightly over half the total population of the continent. Three countries alone – Nigeria, Egypt and the Democratic Republic of Congo – account for over 300 million, a striking illustration of the uneven distribution of the population over the continent.

Presidential elections are going to be held – apart from unexpected postponements – in one North African country: Egypt, in 6 West African countries: Benin, Cape Verde, The Gambia, Liberia, Niger, Nigeria, in 5 Central African countries: Cameroun, Central African Republic, Chad, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Sao Tomé & Príncipe, in three East African countries: Djibouti, Seychelles, Uganda, and in Madagascar, Zambia and Zimbabwe in Southern Africa. Before readers of this blog will accuse me of diffusing misleading information, I will immediately add that the number of ‘truly democratic countries’ can be counted on the fingers of one hand. Many countries have seen the tenure of office of the sitting president repeatedly prolonged, and the rulers of four countries even are among the longest serving African presidents: Hosni Muburak in Egypte (29 years), Paul Biya in Cameroun (28 years), Yoweri Museveni in Uganda (24 years) and Robert Mugabe in Zimbabwe (officially since 1987, de facto head of state since the country’s independence in 1980). To call these countries democratic countries would be besides the truth. The same applies to a number of other countries mentioned above though I will not dwell on this issue.

I will focus on two countries where in 2011 presidential elections will be held: Liberia, where Africa’s first democratically elected female president, Ellen Johnson Sirleaf, aspires a second term, whereas in Nigeria the successor of president Yar’Adua, a ‘northerner’, who died in office earlier this year, Goodluck Jonathan, a ‘southerner’ hopes to be become elected as the leader of Africa’s most populous country. The reasons why I selected these two countries out of the 18 where presidential elections will be held in 2010 are, first of all, that this blog is dedicated to events in Liberia, and secondly, because Nigeria – second in rank as Africa’s most important economy – is going to be an economic superpower, comparable to the BRIC countries (Brazil, Russia, India, China) that impress us nowadays.

Last week when I was in Abuja, the capital of Nigeria – inspired by the capital of Brazil since 1960, Brasilia……

To be continued

Posted in Elections in Africa, Elections in Liberia, Liberia, Nigeria | Leave a comment

Democracy or Impunity? The Long Walk To Democracy In Africa (updated)

Posted on 13 October 2010 by Dr. Fred P.M. van der Kraaij

The following post is repeating my September 28 post which was incomplete due to technical difficulties. I have now included the links missing in my previous post.

 

Last week – in mid-September – it was announced in Monrovia that the infamous former Liberian warlord Prince Johnson is to run for President. Nineteen years ago Prince Yormie Johnson captured then President Samuel Doe, ordered his men to torture, mutilate and execute him, while all gruesome details were videotaped. The tape, showing Johnson watching the spectacle while drinking a Budweiser beer, later found its way all over West Africa, was shown on TV all over the world and can still be seen on YouTube.

On September 22, James Fromoyan, the head of the independent Liberian National Electoral Committee (NEC), said that Johnson’s recently created political party, the National Union for Democratic Progress (NUDP), met the constitutional requirements to compete in next year’s presidential elections. Insignificant as this news may have been, it immediately made it to the major news sites (AP, AFP, BBC, VOA, etc.). Good news travels fast, but bad news sometimes even travels faster.

All news sites mentioned Johnson’s responsibility for Doe’s death, some also referred to the final report of the Liberian Truth and Reconciliation Committee, which left no doubt as to the criminal record of Prince Johnson – now an elected senator for Nimba County. None of these news sites, however, mentioned Johnson’s claim that he murdered President Thomas Sankara of Burkina Faso in October 1987. Although all circumstances surrounding Sankara’s death are still (2010!) not yet known, there are very strong indications pointing to the involvement of warlord-turned-president Charles Taylor, Prince Johnson, and Blaise Compaoré, once Sankara’s best friend, and since October 1987 President of Burkina Faso.

Like Prince Johnson, Charles Taylor, and numerous other Liberian warlords, Blaise Compaoré has blood on his hands. Yet he has been President of this poor Sahel country for almost 23 years (1987 – present). Compaoré is far from the only African president enjoying impunity for his crimes. He is in the company of a large number of other African presidents, ranging from small-size countries such as The Gambia, Equatorial Guinea and Rwanda, to medium-sized countries such as Chad, Uganda and Zimbabwe, and big countries such as Ethiopa and Sudan – to name but the most obvious ones.

The Gambian President, officially: His Excellency President Sheikh Professor Alhaji Dr. Yahya Abdul-Azziz Jemus Junkung Diliu Jammeh, seized power in a bloodless military coup in 1994 but is being held responsible for a number of human rights abuses in the small West African country which is completely surrounded by Senegal. Equatorial Guinea’s Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo is in power since 1979 (!) after chasing his uncle, dictator Macias Nguema, who was executed shortly after the military coup. The fabulous oil revenues of this small country only benefit a small group of people close to the President.

Paul Kagamé led an invasion into Rwanda where he emerged as the military strongman after the 1994 genocide. He rules the country with an iron fist. In Chad, Idriss Deby was at first welcomed as a liberator after Chadian President Hissein Habré fled to Senegal in 1990 – with millions of stolen funds – but has since disappointed many. He manages to stay in power, using the country’s oil revenues, and has just celebrated his 20 years in power. Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni also came to power through the barrel of a gun – in 1985 – chasing his predecessor with a ‘liberation army’. He was one of the first ‘liberators’ in Africa to use child soldiers to fight his opponents and was / is internationally admired for bringing stability to the ‘Pearl of Africa’. Zimbabwe’s President Robert Mugabe (1980 – present) may not need any comments. Supported as a freedom fighter against the white minority regime of Ian Smith (1965 – 1980) he is a shame for Africa and the world. The atrocities in Matabeleland are – relatively speaking – small crimes compared to the devastation of the economy of what was once one of Africa’s most promising countries at independence.

In East Africa, the peoples living in two big countries, Ethiopia and Sudan, are not luckier with their governments. Meles Zenawi, headed a ‘liberation army’ like many of his colleagues, and in 1992 chased the Red Emperor of Ethiopia, Mengistu Haile Mariam, who has since lived in exile in Zimbabwe. Like Hissein Habré of Chad, Mengistu is internationally wanted, but has managed to escape from justice though he was sentenced to death by an Ethiopian court. Meles Zenawi, now officially Prime minister, after being President for many years, is the real ruler of Ethiopia. Does anybody know the name of the present President of Ethiopia?! Like all other African presidents mentioned here who came to power by military means – without distinction – Meles Zenawi was elected and re-elected, but increasingly used force, undemocratic means and human rights abuses to achieve his goals. Last but not least, President Omar al-Bashr of Sudan. He came to power trough a military coup in 1985 and is now wanted for war crimes and crimes against humanity.

The foregoing overview focuses on sitting presidents and leaves aside former presidents who since have disappeared following multi-party elections, another coup d’état or civil war, or because of a natural death (apart from Habré and Mengistu). The most notorious of them are Abacha (Nigeria), Doe (Liberia) and Mobutu (Zaïre/DRC).

Conclusion

I do realize that Sub-Sahara Africa counts nearly 50 independent countries – 48 to be precise, or 47 when we exclude Somalia (and ignore the existence of Somaliland and Puntland). I have excluded from the foregoing countries where more or less recently military coups took place: Central African Republic, Guinea Bissau, Guinea Conakry, Mauritania, Niger, not to speak of countries with ‘civil unrest’ or with an unresolved civil war like Ivory Coast – not to speak of Sierra Leone or Liberia…

What has the foregoing to do with Liberia or Prince Johnson?

The answer consists of two words: ‘Impunity’ and ‘Democracy’.

Do I need to say more?

Posted in Civil War(s) Liberia, Elections in Africa, Elections in Liberia, Impunity in Africa, Liberia, Samuel Kanyon Doe | Leave a comment

Democracy or Impunity? The Long Walk To Democracy In Africa.

Posted on 28 September 2010 by Dr. Fred P.M. van der Kraaij

Last week it was announced in Monrovia that the infamous former Liberian warlord Prince Johnson is to run for President. Nineteen years ago Prince Yormie Johnson captured then President Samuel Doe, ordered his men to torture, mutilate and execute him, while all gruesome details were videotaped. The tape, showing Johnson watching the spectacle while drinking a Budweiser beer, later found its way all over West Africa, was shown on TV all over the world and can still be seen on YouTube.

On September 22, James Fromoyan, the head of the independent Liberian National Electoral Committee (NEC), said that Johnson’s recently created political party, the National Union for Democratic Progress (NUDP), met the constitutional requirements to compete in next year’s presidential elections. Insignificant as this news may have been, it immediately made it to the major news sites (AP, AFP, BBC, VOA, etc, but not only foreign, also Liberian). Good news travels fast, but bad news sometimes even travels faster.

All news sites mentioned Johnson’s responsibility for Doe’s death, some also referred to the final report of the Liberian Truth and Reconciliation Committee, which left no doubt as to the criminal record of Prince Johnson – now an elected senator for Nimba County. None of these news sites, however, mentioned Johnson’s claim that he murdered President Thomas Sankara of Burkina Faso in October 1987. Although all circumstances surrounding Sankara’s death are still (2010!) not yet known, there are very strong indications pointing to the involvement of warlord-turned-president Charles Taylor, Prince Johnson, and Blaise Compaoré, once Sankara’s best friend, and since October 1987 President of Burkina Faso.

Like Prince Johnson, Charles Taylor, and numerous other Liberian warlords, Blaise Compaoré has blood on his hands. Yet he has been President of this poor Sahel country for almost 23 years (1987 – present). Compaoré is far from the only African president enjoying impunity for his crimes. He is in the company of a large number of other African presidents, ranging from small-size countries such as The Gambia, Equatorial Guinea and Rwanda, to medium-sized countries such as Chad, Uganda and Zimbabwe, and big countries such as Ethiopa and Sudan – to name but the most obvious ones.

The Gambian President, officially: His Excellency President Sheikh Professor Alhaji Dr. Yahya Abdul-Azziz Jemus Junkung Diliu Jammeh, seized power in a bloodless military coup in 1994 but is being held responsible for a number of human rights abuses in the small West African country which is completely surrounded by Senegal. Equatorial Guinea’s Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo is in power since 1979 (!) after chasing his uncle, dictator Macias Nguema, who was executed shortly after the military coup. The fabulous oil revenues of this small country only benefit a small group of people close to the President.

Paul Kagamé led an invasion into Rwanda where he emerged as the military strongman after the 1994 genocide. He rules the country with an iron fist. In Chad, Idriss Deby was at first welcomed as a liberator after Chadian President Hissein Habré fled to Senegal in 1990 – with millions of stolen funds – but has since disappointed many. He manages to stay in power, using the country’s oil revenues, and has just celebrated his 20 years in power. Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni also came to power through the barrel of a gun – in 1985 – chasing his predecessor with a ‘liberation army’. He was one of the first ‘liberators’ in Africa to use child soldiers to fight his opponents and was / is internationally admired for bringing stability to the ‘Pearl of Africa’. Zimbabwe’s President Robert Mugabe (1980 – present) may not need any comments. Supported as a freedom fighter against the white minority regime of Ian Smith (1965 – 1980) he is a shame for Africa and the world. The atrocities in Matabeleland are even small crimes compared to the devastation of the economy of what was once one of Africa’s most promising countries at independence.

In East Africa, the peoples living in two big countries, Ethiopia and Sudan, are not luckier with their governments. Meles Zenawi, headed a ‘liberation army’ like many of his colleagues, and in 1992 chased the Red Emperor of Ethiopia, Miriam Mengistu, who has since lived in exile in Zimbabwe. Like Hissein Habré of Chad, Mengistu is internationally wanted, but has managed to escape from justice. Meles Zenawi, now officially Prime minister, after being President for many years, is the real ruler of Ethiopia. Does anybody know the name of the present President of Ethiopia?! Like all other African presidents mentioned here who came to power by military means – without distinction – Meles Zenawi was elected and re-elected, but increasingly used force, undemocratic means and human rights abuses to achieve his goals. Last but not least, President Omar al-Bashr of Sudan. He came to power trough a military coup in 1985 and is now wanted for war crimes and crimes against humanity.

The foregoing overview focuses on sitting presidents and leaves aside former presidents who since have disappeared following multi-party elections, another coup d’état or civil war, or because of a natural death (apart from Habré and Mengistu). The most notorious of them are Abacha (Nigeria), Doe (Liberia) and Mobutu (Zaïre/DRC).

Conclusion

I do realize that Sub-Sahara Africa counts nearly 50 independent countries – 48 to be precise, or 47 when we exclude Somalia (and ignore the existence of Somaliland and Puntland). I have excluded from the foregoing countries where more or less recently military coups took place: Central African Republic, Guinea Bissau, Guinea Conakry, Mauritania, Niger, not to speak of countries with ‘civil unrest’ or with an unresolved civil war like Ivory Coast – not to speak of Sierra Leone or Liberia…

What has the foregoing to do with Liberia or Prince Johnson?

The answer consists of two words: ‘Impunity’ and ‘Democracy’.

Do I need to say more?

Posted in Civil War(s) Liberia, Elections in Africa, Elections in Liberia, Impunity in Africa, Liberia, Samuel Kanyon Doe | Leave a comment

163rd Independence Anniversary Invites To Reflect And Celebrate

Posted on 24 July 2010 by Dr. Fred P.M. van der Kraaij

On July 26, Liberia and Liberians worldwide celebrate the 163rd anniversary of the independence of Africa’s oldest republic. On this occasion, two questions come to my mind. First, what explains that Liberia has managed to exist for over 160 years? Secondly, is it really an achievement??

It is quite a challenge to try to answer these questions in less than 400 words. Nevertheless, I will try it and tackle them.

How come that Liberia has survived despite all difficulties? ‘Cause difficulties, there were many. I will neither mention all nor elaborate on them: I would already exceed my maximum 400 words. The settler population that created the republic did not come voluntary to the shores of the Pepper or Grain Coast, definitely not all of them. Further, they had to start from scratch: there was nothing, all modern institutions a.s.o. had to be built. Moreover, the immigrants alienated the peoples living on the Pepper Coast by imposing their laws while at the same time excluding them from the benefits of these laws. Not surprisingly, after 133 years, the rule of the Americo-Liberians, as they preferred to call themselves, was violently overthrown. The chaos that followed led to an even more violent struggle for power which lasted some 14 years. Since then, Liberia re-started from scratch.

In my opinion, there are two major explanations for Liberia’s survival despite all these difficulties. First and foremost I must mention the US protection and support. Without the support of the American Colonization Society (ACS) in the 19th century and the US Government in the 20th century, for reasons of the Cold War, the Lone Star Republic would not have survived. It is not a coincidence that the worst part of Liberia’s contemporary history started after the end of the Cold War.

Secondly, the successive Liberian governments and foreign investors connived in the exploitation of the rich natural resources of the country. Under this arrangement – called the Open Door Policy – the governing elite used a portion of the proceeds of the economic development which took place – albeit in enclave sectors – to stay in power and live a comfortable life. The foreign investors were allowed to take the largest share of the cake. The foregoing is important since it contains important lessons for the future.

Then the second question. How much of an achievement is it to have existed for over 160 years?
According to most sources the world nowadays counts 195 independent countries leaving important aspects of constitutional law here aside. Only about a quarter of these 195 countries exists for more than a century.

In Africa there are three ‘old’ countries: The oldest one is Ethiopia, before the 20th c. called Abyssynia. The second oldest is Liberia. The third is the Republic of South Africa (officially the ‘Union of South Africa’) – besides, another country marked by immigration and ethnic conflict (!). The Republic of South Africa emerged in the early years of the 20th c. on the ashes of the defeated Boer Republics of which Transvaal (or South African Republic) and Orange Free State were the most important ones.

Throughout history many countries split, merged, changed their names or were swept from the world map as a result of war. E.g. the Austro-Hungarian Empire in Europe, the Ottoman Empire (aka the Turkish Empire) and, more recent, the Union of Socialist Soviet Republics (USSR).

‘Independent’ African countries that have disappeared are the Boer Republics in Southern Africa, created in the last quarter of the 19th century, and the Bantustans (aka Black African homelands) in particular Transkei, Bophuthatswana, Venda, and Ciskei (the so-called TBVC states) created by the Apartheid regime but which did not survive the fall of ‘Apartheid’.

Consequently, many countries no longer exist.

In light of the foregoing there is reason to celebrate in Liberia ‘July 26’. The answer to my second question is: ‘Yes, it is an achievement to have survived.’

But now, at the end of my reflections, a third question emerges: What else did Liberia achieve?

No doubt, a painful question. We will leave it until after the party.

I wish all Liberians a wonderful July 26!!

All Hail, Liberia, Hail! Click here for the music.

Posted in 'July 26', Liberia, Liberian History | Leave a comment